Fight against poverty
Against Poverty in the United States
Even the richest nations in the world like the United States does not escape the problem of poverty. This paper takes a critical look at poverty and policy Anti-poverty in the United States. In this article, I argued that poverty is caused by several factors. This document also covers the liberal perspective conservative to reduce poverty in America. The Conservatives have focused on individual factors such as wage differentials wide burst family, the factors of race and other reasons, while the Liberals have focused on the structural transformation of the U.S. economy to explain the persistence of poverty. Since 1960, federal and state governments have been responding with policies that address the problem with mixed results. In this article, I analyzed the policies and also recommended possible ways to cope with the rebellious nature of poverty.
According to Sen (1981), "the poor are those whose consumption of sub-standard standards, or whose incomes are below this line. The word "poverty" suggests destitution, unable to provide a family with nutritious food, clothing and reasonable shelter. More than thirty-six million Americans live below the official poverty line of U.S. (Blank, 2007). That means a family of three earning less than $ 16,000 for an individual earns $ 10.300 per year (Blank, 2007, p. 17). Millions more struggle each month to pay for basic necessities, or Short savings when they lose their jobs or face health emergencies. Job cuts, high unemployment, foreclosures and products food and gas prices continue to stimulate the formulation of policies to improve the condition of the poor.
Poverty is closely associated misery and suffering. The lost potential of children in poor households and the low productivity and earnings of poor adults are all associated with poor health, increased crime and broken neighborhoods. Child poverty generally leads to health care in poor neighborhoods and crime high. Persistent childhood poverty is estimated to cost $ 500 billion U.S. dollars annually, or about 4% of gross Gross national Gross Domestic Product (Blank, 2007, p.1).
One in eight Americans lives of poverty and poverty in the United States is much higher than in many developed countries (Rebecca Blank, 2007, p1). Inequality has a record. The richest 1 percent of Americans in 2005 held the largest share of national revenues (19%) since 1929 (Rebecca Blank, 2007, p. 2). At the same time the poorest 20% of Americans held only 3.4% income of the nation (Rebecca Blank, 2007, p.2).
Colorado, despite being surrounded by the magnificent Rocky Mountains and knows a cool climate mountain has many homeless. The researchers found that a growing number of single parent households, a shortage of jobs for workers Low wages and low rates of high school graduates have contributed to the growth of poverty in Colorado. The poverty rate increased from Colorado 9.2% in 2000-2001 to 10.6% in 2005-2006 while the poverty rate for the United States increased 11.5% in 2000-2001 to 12.5% in 2005-2006 (Center for Law and Policy, 2006, p.1). Most of these poor unfortunate people suffer from mental health problems.
Causes of Poverty
Policy analysts are trying to explore many perceived direct and indirect causes of poverty in the United States to formulate effective policies to combat against poverty. The work of scholars such as Corley (2003), Sowell (2004), Iceland (2006), Jencks (1992), James Tobin (1993) and others have shown the irreducible nature of poverty is not the result of a single factor, but the interaction of a variety of causes. The distribution of family and other social causes as well as structural changes in the economy, have all contributed to the failure of society to eradicate poverty despite ardent efforts by political analysts.
Individual explanation of poverty primarily stresses the factors motivational and attitudinal factors or human capital. Thus, lack of motivation among the needy causes of poverty. generous social programs, sometimes affect the mood of the beneficiaries and they prefer to stay home and enjoy the benefits rather than working outside. Murray (1984) argues that people prefer to stay on welfare because of lack of motivation to get out of programs of public welfare.
Formulation and the proliferation of policies to fight against poverty has been a major concern of the Government United States since 1960. The level of education is necessary to obtain gainful employment. Elementary school education, and lack of adequate skills and motivation of the poor out of the situation is the major cause of poverty. People are well equipped with skills high technical employees get jobs so that people who are school dropouts get low wages on an hourly basis. During the 1960s when the former president United States of Lyndon Johnson began to implement the U.S. "war on poverty", he placed great emphasis on education (Jencks, 1992). Lyndon Johnson administration, even invested in programs like the head of the training start and upgrade the skills the poor and to prevent future generations to work in low paid jobs. Scholars such as Sowell (2004) and Corley (2003) stressed factors at the individual level that the central causes of poverty. They argue that the compensation is based on a person's educational qualification and skills. Sowell (2004) argues that the lack of appropriate skills has affected the ability of many poor out of poverty. He further contends that there was an increase in poverty rates for unskilled Americans, who have lost jobs to Asian immigrants. Corley (2003) also supports the above argument and regarding the lack of education "as one source of entrenched poverty. Low Quality of Education poorly funded inner-city school results in a few skills leading to jobs with low wages and other miseries associated with it such as the ability to pay less for housing, food, clothing, medical care, poor neighborhoods, funding problems for schools, and an increased risk of severe disease (Corley, 2003).
Many researchers have argued that structural changes are the main reason the persistence of poverty in the United States. Structuralists focus on issues such as unemployment, discrimination in education, institutional racism and economic change to explain the causes of poverty. Researchers say that the inability to provide decent jobs to pay for certain American families and the ineffectiveness of American public policy to reduce poverty are mainly the result of structural problems and processes. Poverty is rooted in the structure of American society. Rank, 2004 supports the above view and argues that the lack of human capital tends to place individuals in a vulnerable state when the events and crises occur. The impact of these events as the loss of a employment, family breakdown and health problems often result in poverty. These unhappy people unable to manage these situations come often pay more. The researchers also argue that the acquisition of human capital is strongly influenced by the impact of social class on the process (Rank, 2004). Apart from poor family, race and sex also play a role in the acquisition of human capital (Mark Robert Rank, 2004).
Globalisation, the expansion of credit markets leading to greater debt and seizures led to the recession in 2008, all point to the growth of poverty. Iceland (2006) focused primarily on economic factors and argues that poverty is also a product of deindustrialization. Since the movements of the United States from a manufacturing, industrial society to a service-oriented, high-tech society, many blue-collar jobs that required little education but well paid are lost or outsourced. Rural areas, such as the Appalachians, suffer loss of jobs in the mines, and cities such as Detroit lost many manufacturing jobs in the factory automation or abroad. Some people are unable to keep the job or to work in neighborhoods are left without jobs or tax base to support necessary social functions, like schools, public transport, police, and so on. Others simply can not find a job because the transition to an economy based on services, in economic terms these people are structurally unemployed because of the changing skills necessary. Tobin (1993) supports the view above and focuses on the disappearance of jobs in the 1900s as the main reason for countries not eradicating poverty. Recent data shows that employment the U.S. housing crisis and the crisis in credit markets in America the threat of increasing levels of poverty. Isidore (2008) mentions that job losses are widespread, with the battered construction sector losing 51,000 jobs and manufacturing employment fell by 48,000 in the year 2008. retail employment fell by 12,000 jobs, businesses and professional services employers reduce its workforce by 35,000. The unemployment rate jumped to 6.1% in September from 4.9% in January (Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2008).
Kelso (1994), shows that over the last forty years, there has been a major change in American companies first west and then south. Part of this change is attributable to the increase of the cold war and the government's decision to expand U.S. military power (Kelso, 1994). He argues that, as America chose to invest more in defense and aerospace industry, cities as Seattle and Los Angeles on the west coast began dramatically while the growth of high technology and information technology based led to the increasing wealth of California and the Bay of San Francisco. Later, with the expansion of inter-state highway system and the growth of employment, markets have been created in the south.
Iceland (2006) also argues that, although the services sector of the economy has created millions of jobs, but once again polarized distribution of earnings by level of education between better-paying jobs poor paying jobs. He supports a Marxist analysis of class struggle and exploitation, and focuses on owners Business supports the hiring of cheap labor to maximize profits. This also explains the influx of labor Cheap United States from Mexico and other countries. Improved access to credit has put cars, computers, credit cards, and even houses to reach of many more of the working poor. But this consolidation of the market for low-income consumers has a dark side. Roubini notes that "Access Credit should be to help people with low income, but instead become an opportunity for promoting social and economic, it becomes a trap debt for many trying to move up (Grow and Epstein, 2007).
Despite public assistance and initiatives to wide by both the federal and state, poverty still exists. careful analysis of the situation and formulate policies effective are needed to solve the problem of poverty in the United States. Ranking among scholars as (2004), Blank (2007) and others showed that the U.S. government spends less money sent to the poverty of any industrialized country. Thus, a major structural failure is located at the political level (Rank, 2004). Most European countries offer a wide range of insurance programs, unemployment assistance, and extensive coverage Universal Health with substantial support for child care (Rank, 2004). These social programs are much more generous than the U.S. (Rank, 2004). Then the low-income families in the United States to work more than those in other countries, they are not yet able to catch up government support low income compared to their European counterparts (Blank, 2007, 141-142).
The gross disparities between the poor in the U.S. along racial lines has led many researchers to speculate that institutional racism is largely responsible for poverty in the United States. Discrimination race in employment and education contribute to the growth of poverty. Some researchers such as Massey and Denton (1993) to interpret statistics in terms of institutional racism, while others such as Kelso (1994) to interpret the statistics as evidence of shortcomings and the suffering of blacks. Despite efforts to eliminate racism, slavery and Jim Crow segregation, Massey and Denton (1993) argue that racial segregation still exists and that the fundamental cause of poverty among African-Americans segregation. They argue that segregation has created and perpetuated a black underclass by limiting employment opportunities and education. Massey and Denton (1993) have shown that blacks have been presented houses in racially mixed areas or areas adjacent to areas with predominantly black.
In addition, changing patterns of family formation are more pronounced among ethnic and racial groups. Family structures are also one of the causes of poverty in the United States. There is a wide gap between equality of wages. In 2004, the median income of male workers was $ 40,798 FTYR, compared with $ 31,223 for women FTYR (Denavit-Walt et al, 2005), Pearce (1978) argues that poverty 'is fast becoming a female problem. Iceland (2006) supports this statement and showed that 2000, the poverty rate among women (12.5%) was 26% higher than the poverty rate among men (9.9%) (Iceland, 2006). According to Iceland women have fewer economic resources than men and are more likely to be single parents. It also leads to the greater likelihood that single, divorced or widowed women are poorer than their male counterparts because of income less social security or retirement income others in higher female life expectancy. lower wages for women, lower retirement benefits and the increasing number of mothers Singles have led some commentators to speak of the "feminization of poverty."
After the Second World War in 1963, job creation by the policies of President John F. Kennedy of the tax could not remove the problem poverty. Poverty is still recognized as a national problem. President Lyndon B. Johnson 's war against poverty have led to a multitude of programs that included Medicare, Medicaid, food stamps, Aid to Families with Dependent Children, and others. These rights may be consumed half the federal budget and could not fight against poverty. The U.S. economy has been devastated by the recession of 1979-83 when the United Statess manufacturing infrastructure has been shattered by the Federal Reserve rate of interest skyrocketing unemployment causing a surge in sixty-five per cent in four years (Cook, 2007). In the late 1980s, the economy was in another recession, leading to the election of Bill Clinton who in 1992 replaced the incumbent George HW Bush. The investment boom of the 1990s was fueled by foreign capital are recruited by the Treasury policies strong dollar. Jobs have been created as the dot.com bubble expanded, trade barriers decreased, and utility economic giants like Enron took off. NAFTA was enacted to promote free trade, well-being at work reduced the low-income women in the labor market, and the Earned Income Tax Credit has been extended. The evening ended when the stock market collapsed in December 2000 and millions of people lost their retirement savings and other investments. Recession returned even George W. Bush was declared president of the Supreme Court of the United States in December 2000. The economic crisis has worsened after September 11, 2001 attacks where 1.4 trillion dollars of wealth have disappeared during the worst five trading days since the Great Depression (Cook, 2007). Cook (2007) argues that today, poverty is becoming a national disaster. Cook (2007) asserts that from 2002 to 2006, the economy has been proposed by the housing bubble, with many people on low incomes to enter the houses of their own thanks to the proliferation of loan sub-prime mortgages. With the financial difficulties of the end of 2008, many U.S. citizens find themselves with inflated property prices and no means to pay.
Policy initiatives of the 1960s and the declaration of "unconditional war against poverty" by the former President Lyndon Johnson scored a discrete change in the federal government will intervene in order to improve the economic situation poor Americans. Despite billions of dollars spent on programs like CETA (Training Act Comprehensive Employment), The development and Workforce Training Act preschool and primary and secondary law, the government's efforts to address the root causes of poverty have had minimal success. During this period, the implementation of the program of Social Security insured retirement almost all workers Retirement against the risk of outliving their savings. The Social Security Act of 1935 sought to protect the incomes of those who were not working because age or a poor economy by establishing a federal unemployment insurance, retirement benefits, and assistance women. In early 1964, the two most pressing priorities of the anti-poverty agenda of President Johnson involved passing tax cuts massive boost to the economy and the organization of a working group to shape the "war on poverty". Opportunity Economic Act (EOA) signed by Johnson has created a long list of programs to help individuals to develop skills, political power, Location and suitability. But this bill anti-poverty oversaw other programs such as Community Action, Job Corps, VISTA Program Head Start (1965), legal services (1965) which were not under it. Although important programs like food stamps, Medicare for the elderly, Medicaid applied to skilled poor residents, elementary and secondary education for poor pupils Act shadow the EOA. The Higher Education Act eased the financial burden of millions of students college. The Civil Rights Act opened up new spaces on the U.S. market, while the Voting Rights Act does the same for the political market. The Fair Housing Act established an important base of the law against discrimination in the housing. Therefore, the EOA slowly lost its importance. Again, Murray (1984) argues that social benefits have reached such heights so as to make living in poverty a viable option for the poor. Even Burton (1992) supported the point of view the above and argues that the programs have been more because of poverty than to reduce it.
When Nixon took office, he tried to tackle poverty more directly than focusing on social programs. . Although President Nixon expressed his dislike for much of the war against poverty, his administration has responded to public pressure by maintaining most programs and expanding the welfare state through the liberalization of the food stamp program, the indexing of Social Security to inflation, and the passage of a supplementary security income (SSI) for disabled Americans (Rank, 2004). The Nixon administration also approved a new "federalism" in which the federal government moved more authority over social enterprises to the state and local communities. His plan to implement the "Family Assistance Plan (FAP) is comprised of various provisions relating to income, working arrangements, and training arrangements for those below the poverty line (Rank, 2004). He failed to pass the Senate just as the programs to better jobs and Income ", initiated by President Carter in the following years. Welfare reforms continued as a center of debate over federal policies, even after the legislative defeat of FAP. Although negative cash income "tax" (NIT) for all poor people are never past, Food Stamp program provided a national food stamp benefits that vary by family size, regardless of their state of residence or lifestyles or marital status. The number of AFDC recipients increased from about 6 to 11 million and the number of beneficiaries food stamps, about one million to 19 million during the Nixon administration (Danziger, 1999, p. 8). Danziger (1999) also argues that the money that the increase and in-kind benefits became available to a larger percentage of poor, disincentives to work and fiscal costs of social programs have been increasingly challenged. The public and policymakers have come to view aid recipients increased social as evidence that the programs were subsidizing dependency and idleness encouraging.
Despite the failure adopt a program of guaranteed income, both the number of beneficiaries and the amount of money spent on welfare programs increased significantly during the 1970s (Rank, 2004). Rank (2004) gave an overview of the policies of Reagan and noted that Reagan said the action individual unhampered by government interference, rejected social engineering of the 1960s and also supported federalism, that is, the power to return to the States rather than centralized at the federal government. Reagan tried to resolve the problem and set the tone for social reform that took place in 1990 during the administration of his successor. The Reagan administration believed eligibility for welfare benefits had increased so much that many people who were not really in need benefits "received. The Reagan administration cons simultaneous reception of wages and welfare benefits. Instead, it proposed the well-being become a safety net, providing cash assistance only for those who can not secure jobs.
The Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC), enacted in 1975, offers families working poor with a refundable tax credit (ie, the family receives a payment from the Internal Revenue Service if the credit due exceeds tax due). Thus, the EITC raises the effective wage of low-income families, is available in both two-parent families, and do not need to apply for welfare. The maximum EITC for a poor household was $ 400 in 1975 and rose to $ 550 by 1986 (Danziger, 1999, P. 14). The Tax Reform Act of 1986 has increased the EITC so that by 1990, a low-income working parent received a maximum credit of $ 953 (Danziger, 1999, p. 14). The number of families receiving loans increased by between 5 and 7.5 million families per year between 1975 and 1986 to over 11 million by 1988 (Danziger, 1999, p. 14). Danziger, 1999 argues that, as the expansion of the EITC supplements low wages, it became easier for policymakers to focus on the reform of welfare policies that could place the recipients in all jobs, rather than train them for "good jobs". Thus, he argues that if the beneficiary does not take a job working at low wages, a significant EITC could make work pay as much as a higher-wage jobs would pay in the absence of an EITC.
Family Support Act (FSA) of 1988 broadened the scope of the AFDC for two-parent families, established child care and transitional Medicaid for recipients to leave well-being at work, and states added funds needed to establish programs to move more recipients of aid employment. When assistance has surged in the late 1980s and early 1990s, from 11 to about 14 million beneficiaries, dissatisfaction welfare increased again (Danziger, 1999).
President Nixon identified the two main economic problems, inflation and unemployment, which justifies the need for economic recovery for the American worker. Reagan emphasized the desperation caused by unemployment combined with high inflation. Reagan's rhetorical construction of social assistance and social protection system aimed to reduce anxiety among Americans caused by rising taxes, inflation and the constant fear of losing their employment. To end this victimization, Reagan proposed an economic stimulus plan (Rank, 2004). In addition to reducing government spending, particularly spending for social programs, Reagan also proposed having state governments take control of aid to families with children dependent (AFDC) program and food stamps in exchange for federal control of Medicaid. Although this proposal failed to reach the floor of Congress, his presentation of the proposal to exchange AFDC and food stamp program with Medicaid because of poverty a concern Local (Mark Robert Rank, 2004).
Liberals and conservatives continue to disagree on other goals of welfare programs at work. Liberals thought reform welfare should increase opportunities for welfare mothers to receive training and work experience which would help raise the living standards of their families by working more and higher wages. Conservatives said the demands of work, mothers obligations to the well-being in exchange for government support or not the income of their families has increased (Mead, 1992).
Years the latest efforts by President Clinton also highlighted empowerment as a way to help welfare recipients and to accumulate more savings without penalty and expanding the tax credit on income (Blank, 2007). Towards the mid- 1990, the focus of past policy of fight against poverty to reducing welfare dependency. President Clinton signed personal responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 (PRWORA) ended the right to cash assistance and has radically changed the nature of the social safety net. The law created the Temporary Assistance to Needy Families program (TANF). TANF began on July 1, 1997, provides assistance cash to needy American families with dependent children in the United States Department of Health and Human Services (The Center for American Progress Task Force on Poverty, 2007). Danziger, 1999 argues that the state E ach can now decide which families to help in subject only to a requirement that they receive "a fair and equitable." By creating a program of block grants, the PRWORA States granted the opportunity to design their own systems, as long as states meet a basic set of federal requirements. Bill focusing on ending welfare as a program right, places a lifetime limit of five years on benefits paid by federal funds, and also aims to encourage two-parent families and discouraging births outside marriage. In granting wider latitude for States design their own programs, some States decided to impose additional requirements on recipients. Although the law imposed a time limit for benefits financed federal funds not more than 2 years consecutively and no more than 5 years over a lifetime, some states have adopted more stringent limits. All States, however, have allowed exceptions with the intent of not punishing children because their parents have exceeded the time limit. Federal requirements ensured a certain uniformity among states, but the block grant approach has led individual states to distribute federal money in different ways. Some states actively encourage more education, others use the money to help finance private assist job seekers. PRWORA offers no opportunity to work in exchange for welfare benefits when the beneficiary reaches the lifetime limit of 60 months of cash assistance by the federal government. But reform has certain limitations. States can not use federal funds block grants to provide more than a cumulative total lifespan of 60 months of cash assistance to a recipient of social assistance, low matter how it might be willing to work for their benefits, and they have the opportunity to set shorter time limits. States may grant exceptions to the limits of life and continue to use federal funds for a maximum of 20 per cent of the workload. The magnitude of expectations of work has also been increased. single-parent recipients without children under the age of less than one year are expected to work at least 30 hours per week by the year 2002 to maintain eligibility for cash assistance (Danziger, 1999, p 20). States may require participation in work or work-related activities regardless of the age of youngest child. As PRWORA emerged from research that seeks to reduce poverty and dependence on welfare (Danziger, 1999). In 1990, following Clinton's call to "end welfare as we know, politicians' intensified their demands for work and beneficiaries of government bonds to be reduced and funds to serve them (Danziger, 1999).
When Bush took office in 2001, the United States suffer from a national surplus, unemployment and poverty had been on the decline for years, and the economy was booming. Today, almost six years later, poverty is increase the coverage of health care is declining, and the country is facing the biggest national deficit in history. Families with low middle class are slowly slipping below the line and the poor are becoming poorer. Most of these families are headed by women.
President Bush has extended the TANF. There was a political initiative in general economic recovery of the Bush administration, but nothing targeting Americans Low income was enacted. President Bush signed the economic stimulus package (HR 5140) into law with the hope that it will give new impetus if necessary to the economy lagging. The package includes tax rebates for individuals, tax breaks for businesses, and increased Temporary Administration Federal Housing loans from $ 417,000 to $ 729,750 (compared to the White House, 2008). More than 130 million people are expected to get tax rebates ranging from $ 300 to $ 1,200 per household for those earning $ 75,000 or less and couples earning up $ 150,000 (compared to the White House, 2008). Although the stimulus package will provide financial assistance for millions of people, it fails to target those who need it, because it does not include an extension of unemployment benefits, energy assistance, Food Stamp benefits, or tax relief to states for Medicaid.
From the foregoing analysis, the question arises whether the poor are responsible their own condition. The above analysis implies that the recipients become dependent and lethargic because of the measures of well-being huge. Scholars such as Murray (1984) and Kilty and Segal (2006) have focused on individual factors. They argue that measures of well-being and absence of mind and motivation of helping indigent poverty. Danziger, 1999 states that during the Nixon era increase in measures of welfare encouraged idleness. Kilty and Segal, 2006 also argues that the poor can escape in a state of self-sufficiency by learning dependency work attitude and adequate skills. Kilty and Segal, 2006 argue the importance of reform of the welfare approach and a "tough love" would eventually help the poor by making them aware of their condition and forcing them to take their own responsibility. Bill Clinton's emphasis on "personal responsibility" and measures to "end welfare as we know in 1992 all holders of the above argument.
Due to the implementation of TANF, the number of people on welfare has declined. Thus, funds are accumulated. In 1996, the number of beneficiaries was ADFC 12,644,076, while in 2001 the number of TANF recipients was 5.91, 811 and the poverty rate has also reduced from 13.7 to 11.3 (Kilty and Segal, 2006) and while in 2008 it is 1,628,422 (U.S. Dept. of Health and Human Services). The share of single mothers on welfare (on the based caseload of Directors has divided by the number of the population) has increased 38 percent in 1969 to 48 per cent in 1980 but dropped to 30 per cent in 1998 (Kilty and Segal, 2006). These changes in the number of cases are very widespread, with each state in the country with a declining number of important cases. This decline has been widely welcomed by politicians as an indication that policies aimed at reducing dependence on public assistance and move less skilled adults in the labor market have been extremely effective (Blank, 2007). But however Blank argues that the welfare cuts affect not the rate of poverty. The poverty rate in 2007 was 12.5 percent, up slightly from the level of 12.3 percent in 2006. The poverty rate has increased for four years straight from 2000-2004. In 2007, the poverty rate was 1.2 percentage points higher than it was in 2000 (Blank, 2007).
States initiatives welfare
Most states took an important decision on reform, and this decision was sensible in light of state goals and experience. A few states have not seriously make reform policy. New York has been so deeply divided that it has not taken seriously the decisions AFDC (Mead, 2002). Alabama and Missouri were pushed into reform by federal action and seemed to have little political protection of their own (Mead, 2002). In several other Southern states (Florida, North Carolina), policy seems to be relaxed and personalized with the governor or the legislature provides reform plans, apparently, little research or evidence behind them (Mead, 2002). policy of Texas was inconsistent for the state claims continue work early, but based its policy on an experimental program focused far more on education and training (Mead, 2002). States have always insisted on reform. But sometimes reduced the contributions to these plans after a total failure of the program. Mead (2002) argues that in Florida and Georgia, however, the bureaucracy has been dragged through the reform, but has shown little commitment to it. In Arizona and California, the agency or large towns has been very committed to an approach oriented skills to the well-being and resisted the move to work first. In Texas, the reform Name is a lower priority to administrators of programs for the reconstruction of non-employment welfare and other initiatives. In Colorado and New Jersey, local agencies had a history of defiance of the state government, which prevented them from fully endorsing reforms decided in capital. Mead (2002) argues that, despite the establishment of the Employment Service (ES), an employment agency funded by the federal placement and training programs under the Job Training Partnership Act (JTPA), poverty rate has not improved. After welfare programs national work were first enacted in 1967, the ES engaged in practices of well-being. But because the routine pointed to ES service for job seekers who have come voluntarily, it generally performed poorly with clients welfare (Mead, 2002). These applicants Job came to her on a compulsory basis, as a condition of receiving assistance. To achieve them, the agency had to respect the work, but also support employment with special services. The ES often these two antagonistic roles (Mead, 2002). The ES has been noted on the role of the entrepreneur well-being and later in 1988, the Workforce Investment Act (WIA) has merged the ES JTPA, and other programs not working well-being. But this merger also created confusion. The problems are the lack of clear procedures to refer clients to WIA, to serve there, or to report results on welfare. States that lack of coordination and lack of management information systems (GIS) were Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Tennessee, Washington, West Virginia, Florida, Georgia and Tennessee.
public sector reform in Colorado has been associated a decline in the poverty rate. At the end of 2000, the unemployment rate in Colorado fell 2.6 percent, personal income showed gains stable, if the welfare state has declined dramatically, and state legislators grappling with an estimated $ 833 million Excess revenue (Colorado Fiscal Policy Institute, 2001). But despite all the facts above poverty persists as expenses such as child care, out of pocket medical expenses and geographical differences in housing costs have increased. The increases occurred even after adjusting for account of income support such as tax relief, food stamps and school lunch programs, housing subsidies and assistance for energy. A 2001 report by the Colorado Fiscal Policy Institute determined that a single parent with two young children living in the county of Denver would need to earn an annual salary of about $ 39,924 to meet their basic needs such as housing, food, health care, child care and transportation, without public or private assistance. Although child poverty rate is high in Colorado. Approximately 180,000 children, 15.7 percent of total state Life has been in poverty in Colorado in 2006, an increase of 73 percent since 2000 (Frosch, 2008). The state of Colorado purchases childcare for income eligible families by the Child Care Assistance Colorado Program (CCCAP). The state allows counties to set the purchase price child care and make payments to suppliers of a combination of fees from parents and federal, state and county funds. But Colorado Office of Resource and Referral Services (CORRA) in a 2001 study that the payment of county average fell below 75 percent of the market value (Colorado Fiscal Policy Institute, 2001, p. 9). In counties forced result providers subsidize the cost of service to low income, many of which were simply not prepared to do when limited slots could be filled with families who could afford to pay the full rate. Other vendors who have chosen not to simply refuse service to families CCCAP saved money by limiting the number of children on CCCAP they would accept, cutting programs, or reduce the wages of workers. All these actions are limited availability and quality of care sacrificed Low-income children. Poverty still exists in Colorado despite initiatives to alleviate poverty that too many lives Working Families incomes below the poverty line and more families earning just too low to meet their basic needs. The government has begun Colorado Enjoy the town caucus in 2007 to develop a program in 2009, focusing on education K-12 and committed to making technology laboratory and on the market by investing $ 4.5 million in the bioscience industry, the Fund's support for clean energy to reduce costs high utility of the family, the creation of the Incentive Program of the Colorado Solar with 2 million to provide rebates for photovoltaic and solar thermal systems to help the terminally join the new energy economy and reduce their utility bills (State Rep. Andy Kerr, 2008). The poor can not pay the full cost of heating and lighting their homes. Governments and social service agencies have long helped low-income taxpayers to pay their bills through programs such as Low Income Home Energy Assistance Program (LIHEAP), charitable Funds fuel billing leveled, discounts, home weatherization, energy efficiency, education, energy use and debt management. If all Americans live in homes weatherized and energy efficient and have the income to pay their share of utility bills, all other taxpayers would save nearly $ 6 billion costs of poverty, including fuel assistance, lifeline and other assistance rates, weatherization and efficiency costs, the costs of late payment and disconnection of service (Oppenheim and MacGregor, 2007).
From the foregoing analysis, it is clear that poverty is still widespread because of the economic system, the stratification and social welfare measures. According to Iceland (2003) on the one hand, economic growth and technological changes contribute to the increase wages and living standards overall. Economic growth is accompanied by levels of education than improves the condition of people. On the other hand, the market economy often has the opposite effect on levels of poverty (Iceland, 2003). To maximize profits, Business usually aim to pay salaries to workers with low that increase inequality and poverty. Again the policy may increase or decrease the harmful effects of inequality. The combination of factors highlighted by two liberals and conservatives, poverty is multidimensional. I believe that serious national efforts against poverty. Employment opportunities for all, so that workers and their families can escape poverty, meet basic needs and saving for the future. Crescent hourly wage would certainly improve the condition of these people. Smaller proportion of low-wage workers unemployed, the unemployment insurance benefits. I believe that states (with federal help) should reform eligibility "monetary rules that prevent low-wage workers, broaden eligibility for Part-time workers and workers who have lost their jobs because of compelling family circumstances. Workers should use this period of unemployment and money received from the unemployment insurance system and improve their skills and qualifications. Thus, adults should have the opportunity throughout their lives to connect to work, get more education, and live in a good neighborhood and move up in the labor market.
using child care for low-income families and an emphasis on education K 12 would certainly reduce the poverty rate United States. Low-income youth barely in college than their counterparts with higher incomes. Pell Grants play a crucial role for students low income. Streamlining the application process Pell Grant, and encouraging institutions to do more to raise graduation rates of students certainly improve the situation. Expansion of programs that Pell Grants would make higher education accessible to residents of each state. States, at the same time should also develop strategies to make postsecondary education affordable for all residents. Credit expansion to knowledge would encourage savings for education, homeownership, and retirement. Consequently, all Americans have assets that would enable them to withstand periods of volatility and the resources that may be essential to upward economic mobility. Out knowledge of credit, expansion of holders of a tax credit on income would increase incomes and helps families build assets. Thus, it should be an opportunity for all, so that children grow up in conditions that maximize their chances of success.
Rebecca Blank (2007); poverty to prosperity; Center for the American task force on poverty;
www.americanprogress.org/issues/2007/04/pdf/poverty_report.pdf – similar Pages
Colorado Statewide Homeless Count (2007), School of Public Affairs, University of Colorado, denver.www.dola.state.co.us/cdh/Publications/Winter_2007_Statewide_PIT.pdf – Similar pages
Richard Cook (2007), Poverty in America
www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=5905 – 61k – Cached – Similar pages
Mary Ann Corley (2003), poverty, racism and Literacy, ERIC Center on Adult Career and Vocational Training
Sheldon Danziger (1999), Reforming Health Protection policy from Nixon to Clinton, Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan.
De Navas-Walt, et al. "Income, Poverty and Health Insurance in the United States: 2005.
Diana Pearce Pearce (1978) "The Feminization of Poverty: Women, Work and Well-being, "Journal of Urban and social change.
John Iceland (2006), poverty in America, the University of California Press
Chris Isidore (2008), the bomb Mortgage trillion dollars
money.cnn.com/2008/04/21/news/economy/fannie_freddie /? postversion = 2008042103 – 66k –
James Tobin (1993); poverty in terms of macroeconomic trends, cycles and policies; Cowles Foundation discussion paper.
OPW Wood Deck Restoration in Metro Detroit